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Young Christian lawyer Patrick Henry saw why
a JURY of PEERS is so vital to FREEDOM! It was March 1775 when he rode
into a small town of
Culpepper
, Virginia. He was totally shocked by what he saw! There, in the middle
of the town square was a minister tied to a whipping post, his back laid
bare and bloody with the bones of his ribs showing. He had been scourged
mercilessly like JESUS, with whips laced with metal.
Patrick Henry is quoted as saying:
"When they stopped beating him, I could see the bones of his rib
cage. I turned to someone and asked what the man had done to deserve
such a beating as this."
SCOURAGED
FOR NOT TAKING A LICENSE!
The reply given him was that the man being
scourged was a minister who refused to take a license. He was one of
twelve who were locked in jail because they refused to take a license. A
license often becomes an arbitrary control by government that makes a
crime out of what ordinarily would not be a crime. IT TURNS A RIGHT INTO
A PRIVILEGE! Three days later they scourged him to death.
This was the incident which sparked
Christian lawyer Patrick Henry to write the famous words which later
became the rallying cry of the Revolution. "What is it that
Gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so
sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it,
Almighty God! I know no what course others may take, but as for me, GIVE
ME LIBERTY OR GIVE ME DEATH!" ( Below)
Later he made this part of his famous speech at
Saint John's
Episcopal Church in
Virginia
.
JURY
OF PEERS
"The
War Inevitable"
A speech by Patrick Henry
March 1775
No man thinks more highly
than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy
gentlemen who have just addressed the house. But different men often see
the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not
be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do
opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my
sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The
question before the house is one of awful moment to this country. For my
own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or
slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be
the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to
arrive at the truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold
to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time,
through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of
treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the
Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.
Mr. President, it is natural to man to
indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a
painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms
us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and
arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the numbers of
those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things
which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever
anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth, to
know the worst, and to provide for it.
I have but one lamp by which my feet are
guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging
of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know
what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last
ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased
to solace themselves and the House. Is it that insidious smile with
which our petition has been lately received?
Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to
your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask
yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with
those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land.
Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation?
Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be
called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These
are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which
kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if
its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlement assign any
other possible motive for it? Has
Great Britain
any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this
accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant
for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and
rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long
forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir,
we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to
offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every
light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we
resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find
which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir,
deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to
avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have
remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before
the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical
hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted;
our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our
supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with
contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may
we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation.
There is no longer any room for hope. If we
wish to be free--if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable
privileges for which we have been so long contending--if we mean not
basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long
engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the
glorious object of our contest shall be obtained--we must fight! I
repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts
is all that is left us! They tell us, Sir, that we are weak -- unable to
cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger?
Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are
totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every
house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we
acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our
backs, and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall
have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak, if we make a proper
use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power.
Three millions of People, armed in the Holy
cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are
invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Beside,
Sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who
presides over the destinies of Nations, and who will raise up friends to
fight our battles for us. The battle, Sir, is not to the strong alone.
It is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, Sir, we have no
election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to
retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and
slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the
plains of
Boston
! The war is inevitable. and let it come! I repeat, Sir, let it come!
It is in vain, Sir, to extenuate the matter.
Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace! -- but there is no peace. The war is
actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the North will bring to
our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our breathren are already in the
field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that Gentlemen wish? What
would they have?
Is life so dear, or
peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery!
Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as
for me, give me liberty or give me death!
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